2. The crisis of the communist movement and how to get out of it.
The communist labor movement "Rabochaya Put", in a voluminous material in 4 parts, gives its analysis of the causes of the crisis of the modern communist movement (I think even the most notorious optimists will not deny the existence of such a movement) and what distinguishes this text from many programs with a simple analysis of what is happening, offers his ways to overcome it.
5. Red Archive.
After a painful two-year rocking, we finally got it and stocked up with 37 volumes of the Red Archive. Apart from sevenhttp://istmat.info/node/22121 that are already posted on the site.
The magazine is very interesting, I hope we will publish all the issues in full within a year.
If suddenly, at the call of your heart, someone wants to digitize the material, then whistle. Your feat will be immortal, although your name will remain unknown. But the gratitude of the site staff will be limitless, of course, within reasonable limits.
PS. I recommend both the magazines themselves and the site itself, which regularly pleases with excellent documentary materials that are supplied by caring enthusiasts. Some fresh materials will soon be posted separately.
6. In the footsteps of the textbook Barsenkov - Vdovin.
At one time, this textbook made a lot of noise about the scandal around the deportation of Chechens, since the authors took the liberty of only mentioning some of the grounds for deportation c. For which they were subjected to obstruction, accompanied by hysteria from Chechnya. At the same time, the textbook itself was a classic example of a set of anti-Soviet stamps, which is well shown in the analysis with scans of the pages of the textbook devoted to the history of the USSR.
7. Why industrialization is needed 2.0.
A good overview article on the need for a new industrialization of the country, using both well-known historical examples and justification from the well-known program of Professor Gubanov.
Another question is that this quite sane program, which can give a lot to the country, cannot be implemented while the liberal elites remain in power, pursuing a completely certain course hostile to the ideas laid down in the program of the new industrialization of Russia.
8. Bolshevik, agitator and practitioner.
An excellent article about the revolutionary youth of the best friend of Soviet homeless children and part-time the creator of the avenging sword of the Revolution - Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky.
... You call me "poor man" - you are deeply mistaken. True, I cannot say about myself that I am satisfied and happy, but this is not at all because I am in prison. I can confidently say that I am much happier than those who "free" lead a meaningless life. And if I had to choose: prison or life in freedom without meaning, I would choose the first, otherwise it would not be worth living. Therefore, although I am in prison, I am not discouraged. The good thing about prison is that there is enough time to critically look at my past, and this will benefit me ... Prison is terrible only for those who are weak in spirit ... (c) Dzerzhinsky
It is not difficult to see that the reflections of Iron Felix in prison were not in vain.
12. About science.
An excellent comic strip about the benefits of scientific thinking.
In conclusion, as usual pictures:
THE USSR.
Cool photo. Military power of the USSR - rear view.
Poland.
Contemporary politics.
Merkel's funny opponent in the Chancellor elections. However, the left in Germany is not lagging behind and go to the polls with the slogan "Sharing is fun."
The World History.
And the occult did not help.
Science and education.
Clericalism and Religion.
Society.
Preface to the book "Marxist-Leninist Party", published by the National leadership of the United Party of the Socialist Revolution of Cuba.
This small book is intended for initiating party activists into all the diversity and richness of Marxist-Leninist ideas.
The choice of themes is simple and effective. We are talking about the chapter "Foundations of Marxism-Leninism" O.V. Kuusinen and a number of speeches by Fidel Castro. This choice is good because the chapter from the "Foundations of Marxism-Leninism" summarizes the experience of fraternal parties and gives a general idea of \u200b\u200bwhat the Marxist-Leninist party should be and how it should act, and a number of speeches by Comrade Fidel reveal the political history of our country as presented, sometimes autobiographical, leader of the Revolution.
These are things closely related: general theory as an expression of the experience of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and other Marxist-Leninist parties around the world, and the practical application of these general ideas to our special conditions. From the features that determine the framework for the development of social processes in our part of the world, one should not conclude that there are historical exceptions; simply within the general framework of theory, the daughter of experience, the Cuban situation fits as a special case, which, in turn, enriches the world labor movement with new experience.
With extraordinary clarity, this textbook shows us what a Marxist-Leninist party is: it is "people united by a commonality of ideas and uniting to fill the positions of Marxism with life, in other words, to fulfill the historical mission of the working class." In addition, the book explains that the party cannot live in isolation from the masses; that she must be in constant contact with them; that she must exercise criticism and self-criticism and be harsh about her own mistakes; that it should base its activities not only on negative concepts of fighting against something, but also on positive concepts of fighting for something; that Marxist parties cannot sit idly by waiting for the objective and subjective conditions, formed through the complex mechanism of the class struggle, to achieve all the characteristics necessary for power to fall into the hands of the people like a ripe fruit. He teaches the leading and catalytic role of this party, the vanguard and leader of the working class, capable of showing him the path to victory and accelerating the transition to new social situations. He insists that even at moments of social ebb, one must be able to step back and maintain firmness in the cadres in order to lean on the next wave and move further forward, towards the fundamental - at the first stage of the revolution - the party's goal, which is to achieve power.
And it is logical that this party is a class one. It is a Marxist-Leninist party and there can be no other; its mission is to find the shortest path to the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the working class gives it the most valuable activists, leading cadres and tactics.
It is impossible to imagine that the building of socialism would be started by a bourgeois party; a party with many exploiters among its members and that they would be entrusted with determining its political line. Obviously, an organization of this type can lead the struggle only at the stage of national liberation, and then only up to a certain level and under certain circumstances. Then the once revolutionary class turns into a reactionary one and new conditions arise that require the emergence of a Marxist-Leninist party as the leading force in the revolutionary struggle.
Even now, at least in America, it is practically impossible to speak of liberation movements led by the bourgeoisie. The Cuban Revolution polarized the forces; faced with a dilemma - the people or imperialism, the powerless national bourgeoisie chooses imperialism and irrevocably betrays its country. Thus, in this part of the world, the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism is almost completely lost.
If the Marxist-Leninist party is able to foresee the upcoming historical stages and is able to become the banner and vanguard of the people even before the stage of national liberation is over (since we are talking about our colonized countries), then this party will fulfill a double historical mission and be able to start building socialism being stronger and with more authority among the masses ...
Next comes the Cuban experience, an experience remarkable for everything that is new in it, for everything that is effective in it in this era of the development of the American Revolution, as well as for the wealth of lessons learned from its mistakes, publicly analyzed and corrected in contact with the masses and before the court of public opinion.
Particularly important are the speeches by Comrade Fidel on the United Party of the Socialist Revolution and the method of work of the United Revolutionary Organizations; speeches that mark two major stages in our development. The first of them honestly reflects the difficult search for a true revolutionary who has reached the top of the ascending path of development of his thought and without hesitation expresses his Marxist-Leninist views to the whole world. But he does this, not limiting himself to a verbal statement, but showing the actions, the most important facts of the development of the leader, the development of the Movement and the Party towards unification, designed to unite the United Party of the Socialist Revolution.
Introspection, Comrade Fidel admits that the environment inspired him with many backward concepts; tells how he instinctively opposed them, tempered in the fight against them; talks about his doubts and explains where they came from and how they were resolved.
At this stage, the 26 July Movement was something new, difficult to define; Fidel Castro, the hero of Moncada, a prisoner of the island of Pinos, trained the expeditionary group, which had the task of reaching the shores of the Oriente, igniting a revolutionary fire in the province and separating it at the first moment from the rest of the island, or, if objective circumstances permit, uncontrollably advance all the way to Havana, going from victory to victory at the cost of more or less blood.
Reality has dealt a blow to our hopes; there were no necessary subjective conditions for this attempt to be successful; the norms of the revolutionary war were not respected, which later we had to assimilate at the cost of our own blood and the blood of our brothers during two years of severe struggle. We were defeated, and this was where the most important part of the history of our movement began. Here it showed its true strength, its true historical superiority; we were aware of the tactical mistakes we made and the absence of some important subjective factors: the people realized the need for changes, but were not sure of their possibility. It became our task to create such confidence, and a long process began in the Sierra Maestra, which served as a catalyst for movement throughout the island and gave rise to a strip of continuous storms, continuous revolutionary outbreaks throughout the country.
Deeds proved that the Revolutionary Army, giving the faith and enthusiasm of the people the right direction, in favorable conditions for the struggle, could build up its forces, correctly waging an armed struggle, and in the end defeat the enemy army. This is a great lesson in our history. Until the victory, the balance of forces continued to change, until the revolutionary movement reached a decisive advantage, until the subjective prerequisites necessary for the implementation of changes were formed and the necessary crisis of power was caused. America has acquired a new revolutionary experience; it has been shown that the great truths of Marxism-Leninism always retain their vitality; in this case, the one that the mission of leaders and parties is to create the necessary completeness of conditions for the seizure of power by their struggle, without turning into regular observers of the revolutionary wave that is born from the depths of the people.
At the same time, the need was demonstrated that the centers of armed struggle protecting the sovereignty of the people should be protected from surprises, from attacks, from destruction; shows how important it is for armed struggle to unfold in the most suitable territories for guerrilla warfare, in the most rugged zones of rural areas. This is yet another contribution of the Revolution to our struggle to liberate America; from the village, the revolution goes to the city, from smallest to largest, creating a nationwide revolutionary movement that culminates in Havana.
Elsewhere, Fidel clearly states: the most important quality of revolutionaries is the ability to correctly interpret reality. Speaking about the April strike, he explains that at that moment we did not manage to correctly assess it, and therefore we had to go through a disaster. Why was the April strike declared? Because in the depths of the movement there were a number of contradictions, which we called contradictions between the Sierra and the Plain; they were manifested in the fact that the ideas of these two wings of the organization about the elements that were considered basic for the outcome of the armed struggle were diametrically opposed.
Sierra intended to defeat the army as many times as necessary, winning battle after battle from her, seizing her weapons, and in this way come at a certain moment to take all power on the basis of her Rebel Army. Plain, on the other hand, advocated a general armed struggle throughout the country, the epilogue of which would be a general revolutionary strike that would put an end to Batista's dictatorship and consolidate the power of "civilian" rulers, making the new army "apolitical."
Clashes of these opinions occur constantly, and this does not contribute to the unity of leadership required at such times. The April strike was prepared and declared by the Plains with the consent of the leadership of the Sierra, which does not feel in a position to prevent this, although it has serious doubts about the result, and the NSP openly expresses its objections, warning of the danger in time. The revolutionary commander descends to the Plain to help the strike, and then our unforgettable commander, Camilo Cienfuegos, begins his first raids into the Bayamo zone.
These contradictions have deeper roots than tactical differences: The insurgent army is already proletarian in ideology and thinks proceeding from the interests of the poor class; The plain is still petty-bourgeois, its leadership is littered with future traitors and it is strongly influenced by the environment in which it operates.
It was a small struggle for internal hegemony within the framework of a great revolutionary struggle for power. The recent events in Algeria can be easily explained by analogy with the Cuban Revolution: the revolutionary wing does not allow itself to be removed from power and is fighting to conquer it completely; The Liberation Army is the true representative of the winning revolution.
… Again and again clashes occur, and the unity of the leadership (to which, however, not everyone obeyed) is achieved only when Fidel is appointed prime minister - a few months after the victory of the Revolution. What have we done up to this point? We, as Fidel said, gained the right to start. Mylisch completed the stage with a victory, the basis of which was the struggle to the death against the regime established in Cuba, represented by the dictator Batista; but consistently pursuing a revolutionary line by us aimed at changing our society for the better and freeing it as much as possible from all economic fetters, naturally pushed us further - to a frontal struggle against imperialism.
For the development and deepening of our ideology, imperialism was an extremely important factor; every blow struck at us had to be answered; every time the Yankees, reacting to our actions with their usual arrogance, took some measures against Cuba, we had to take the necessary countermeasures, and thus the Revolution deepened.
The People's Socialist Party entered this front; comrades from among the veterans of the revolutionary struggle and comrades who came to power through the struggle in the Sierra began to merge their organizations. And already at that moment, Fidel warned about the danger of sectarianism, criticizing those who, for fifteen or twenty years of party work, picked their noses, and the sectarianism of the bearded Sierra, and urban militants.
In the era of armed struggle, there was a group of comrades who claimed to defend the movement from the appearance of leaderism [caudillism on the part of Fidel] and made a mistake that was repeated later in the era of sectarianism: they confused the enormous virtues of the leader, the tremendous virtues of the leader of the Revolution and his undeniable the talent of a commander with the properties of such an individual who is concerned only with securing the unconditional support of “his own” and establishing a system of leadership. It was a pseudo-principled struggle, which was waged by a group of comrades and ended not even on January 1, or when Fidel took over as prime minister, but much later, when the right wing of the July 26 Movement was defeated. That is how Urrutia, Miro Cardona, Rai, Uber Matos, David Salvador and other traitors who opposed themselves to the will of the people fell from the leading posts.
After a complete victory over the right wing, it becomes necessary to structure the party - the United Revolutionary Party, the bearer of Marxism-Leninism in the new conditions of Cuba. It had to be an organism connected with the masses, with strictly selected personnel, a centralized organization and at the same time flexible; and in order to achieve all this, we blindly trusted the authority of the People's Socialist Party won over the long years of struggle, abandoned almost completely our organizational criteria, the July 26 Movement. This created the conditions for the fruit of sectarianism to ripen.
In the process of structuring, Comrade Anibal Escalante took over the organizational tasks, and began a gloomy, although, fortunately, very short, period of our development. The leadership methods were flawed; The party was losing its essential qualities: connection with the masses, the implementation of democratic centralism and the spirit of self-sacrifice. At times, resorting to real trickery, people without any experience and without any merits were promoted to leading positions only because they were able to adapt to the established order.
ORO lost the function of the ideological engine - and control over the entire production apparatus through the implementation of this function - and began to turn into an administrative apparatus; Under these conditions, the alarms that should have come from the provinces, revealing a number of problems that existed there, were lost because the administrative workers were to be checked by the very leaders of the cells who performed dual functions - in the party and in the state administration.
The phase of misconceptions, egregious mistakes and mechanical borrowing is fortunately over. The old foundations on which this creation of sectarianism was based were broken. In the face of the bewilderment of the masses about what was happening, the National Leadership, chaired by Fidel, made a decision: turn to the masses, appeal to the masses; this is how a system of consultations was established at all enterprises for the nomination - by the masses themselves - of exemplary workers, which made it possible to select for the formation of Party cells - a party closely linked to its class.
As part of the changes that took place in the Party, a reform of the party education system was carried out: now the direction there was awarded not as before - friends, "proven", but the best workers, people who, with their attitude to the Revolution, their daily work, their enthusiasm and spirit of self-sacrifice showed the highest merits of a member of the ruling party.
All criteria have been changed in accordance with this; a new era is beginning to strengthen the Party and make its methods of work more effective. A broad and bright path of socialist construction opens before us, on which the Party is faced with the task of leading. This leadership will not be a mechanical and bureaucratic leadership of strict and sectarian control, a guide to giving orders, a guide to instructions to be followed, backing them up in words, instead of serving as a living example; leadership of the privilege of citations or "past merit".
The party of the future will be closely connected with the masses and will absorb their thoughts and feelings, which will then be embodied in concrete directives; it will strictly apply discipline in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, while at the same time there will be a constant place for discussion, open criticism and self-criticism aimed at continuous improvement of the work.
At the present stage, it will be a party of cadres, a party of the best, and they will have to fulfill their dynamic task: being in contact with the people, transfer their experience to higher spheres, transmit specific directives to the masses and go at the head of the masses. First in school, first in labor, first in revolutionary enthusiasm, first in self-sacrifice; always the best, the purest, the most humane of all — such should be the cadres of our party.
Because you always have to remember that Marxists are not a fanatical controlled machine, something like a torpedo directed by a servo mechanism to the intended target. Fidel frankly expressed himself on this issue in one of his speeches: “Who said that Marxism is a renunciation of human feelings, of comradeship, of love for a comrade, of respect for a comrade, of attention to a comrade? Who said that Marxism is heartless and insensitive? After all, it was love for man that gave birth to Marxism; love for man, for humanity, the desire to fight against the calamities of the proletariat, the desire to fight against poverty, injustice, suffering and all kinds of exploitation from which the proletariat suffers - this led to the fact that Marxism arose out of the ideas of Karl Marx, arose precisely when could arise when a real possibility could arise, and more than a real possibility - the historical necessity of a social Revolution, the interpreter of which was Karl Marx. But what made him an interpreter, if not the stream of human feelings of people like himself, like Engels, like Lenin? "
This assessment of Fidel is fundamental for the activist of the new party; remember this always, comrades, keep it in your memory as the most effective weapon against all kinds of deviations. A Marxist must be the best, most complete, most complete of people, but always, first of all, a man; a party fighter who lives and worries with the masses; guides, which embodies the aspirations of the masses, sometimes vague, into specific directives; a tireless worker who gives everything to his people; a patient toiler who gives his hours of rest, his personal peace, his family and his life to the Revolution, but is never alien to the warmth of human communication.
In the field of international relations, our party will have major responsibilities; we are the first socialist country in America, an example for other countries, a living experience that must be assimilated by other fraternal parties; a burning experience, repeating and changing, which brings to the light of public consciousness everything that is true - and not true in it. Our example is especially instructive and is addressed not only to those for whom Marxism-Leninism has become a symbol of faith, but also to the masses of the people of America.
The Second Havana Declaration is a Guide to Action For the revolutionary proletariat, peasantry, intelligentsia of America; our own behavior will be their constant guide to action. We must be worthy of this role; we must work every day, thinking about our America, and more and more to strengthen the foundations of our state, its economic organization and political development, so that we can also, as we strengthen ourselves more and more, convince the peoples of America of the practical possibility of starting socialist development already at the present stage of the balance of forces in the world.
With all this, we must not forget that our ability to emotionally respond to the atrocities of the aggressors and the suffering of peoples cannot be limited by the borders of America, or even the borders of America and the socialist countries taken together; we must implement genuine proletarian internationalism, perceiving as a personal insult any aggression, any dishonor, any encroachment on a person's dignity, on his happiness in any part of the world.
We, the fighters of the new party, in the new liberated part of the world, in new conditions, must always hold high the banner of human dignity raised by our Marty, the mentor of many generations, who is with us today, ageless, as always, in the life of Cuba: “Everyone a true person should feel on his cheek the blow struck on the cheek of any person. "
Ernesto Che Guevara
In organizing the popular resistance that began on April 7, 1939, the leading role was played by the Albanian communists, who, despite the fact that they were not yet organized into a Marxist-Leninist party, led the resistance and struggle. The soil was favorable, the people harbored a deep hatred for the invaders of our country, for the traitorous Quislings and for all false patriots who, under various masks and slogans, tried to extinguish this hatred and this anger of the people.
Communists and patriots correctly assessed the moment and wasted no time organizing strikes, demonstrations and protests against the occupiers. After familiarizing themselves with the situation, they established close contact with the people in order to direct their desires and will to fight. In the midst of the great chaos created by the occupiers in order to disorient the masses, the Communists, showing maturity, persistently prepared the ground for the militant organization of the people, who had to start bold action. This correct path, outlined by the communists, consisted in distributing leaflets throughout Albania, which explained the difficult situation to the masses and showed them the way of salvation. The distribution of leaflets was accompanied by mass popular demonstrations, strikes in schools and in workers' centers, armed attacks on enemy convoys, attempts on the life of fascist spies and their extermination.<…>
The path of preparation for the fight against the occupiers is the necessary path that communists of various groups had to follow in order to arrive at the historic day of November 8, 1941. Everything favored the founding of the party. ... The bourgeoisie under the Zogu regime began to show itself, but not politically, but in the field of economic development. Therefore, she was weak and never managed to become such a force that could force Zogu to make political concessions. Our working class was insignificant due to underdeveloped capitalism and industry. But under the yoke of the Zogu regime, he realized his leading role, opposed this regime, against oppression, for democratization and economic freedom. Our small working class was revolutionary and militant. The peasantry of our country was also a great revolutionary force. It was ready at any moment to rise up against the regime of the feudal lords and the bourgeoisie and throw off the age-old yoke. The issue of liberation of the country and the land issue were viewed by our peasantry as two vital problems that could be solved only with arms in hand. ... The occupation by Italy and the threat of extermination threatening our people contributed to the further crystallization of the advanced and revolutionary feelings of our people. These were the main factors in the founding of our Communist Party. The absence of bourgeois parties and a strong organized bourgeoisie in our country also contributed to the founding of the party.
During the Zogu regime, despite the progressive movement led by the communists, it was not possible to create a united popular anti-fascist front in accordance with the directives of the Comintern, warning of the impending danger of fascism and war. This happened for two reasons. Firstly, because terror was raging and secondly, because the Albanian communists, who had broken up into various communist groups, were not organized properly and had no connection with the masses. Before the founding of the party, there were divisions and principled disputes among communist groups; sectarian organizational forms lured these groups into unprincipled struggle with each other, removing the communists from the people and from carrying out mass actions on a large scale. These communist groups were infiltrated by the enemies of the working class, Trotskyists and provocateurs who, with the aim of delaying the creation of the Popular Front, and then, with the aim of sabotaging the creation of the Communist Party, carried out a great deal of political, theoretical and organizational activity. Unfortunately, many of these Trotskyists and provocateurs were in the leadership of the groups and tried in every possible way to disorient ordinary communists. With the occupation of Albania and the beginning of the organization of resistance, these Trotskyists intensified their activities in order to prevent the struggle of the Albanian people. Despite the fact that the country was occupied and it was necessary to conduct an armed struggle against the occupiers, they spread the slogan: "The time has not yet come for the struggle." Using the leftist slogan: "since we have no proletariat, we must wait for the development of capitalism," these Trotskyists acted in favor of the occupiers and the bourgeoisie, thus delaying the mobilization of the people for struggle, and at the same time underestimating the Marxist-Leninist principles of the liberation struggle and revolution. However, not being able to hinder the struggle of the working class and the people, they put forward the thesis: "do not risk cadres," and preached the struggle "only against the proletariat," saying that "the peasantry cannot be an ally and reserve of the proletariat." These Trotskyists thereby viewed the peasantry as a reactionary element and, neglecting the revolutionary reserve of the peasantry oppressed by the feudal lords and beys, they dealt heavy blows to the fundamental idea of \u200b\u200bMarxism: the alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry, which is the main condition for the victory of the proletarian revolution. However, despite this kind of sabotage, the Trotskyists and provocateurs failed to deceive the healthy majority of the communists of these groups. The Albanian communist internationalists, in spite of the fact that they did not have theoretical training, considered the founding of their party a necessary condition of life. ... The organization of resistance, bold actions against the invaders, as well as the treacherous attack of the Nazis on the Soviet Union, had to create all the conditions for the founding of the party, for the defeat of the Trotskyists and overcoming all difficulties. ... Therefore, in spite of all the obstacles posed by the invaders and Trotskyist ringleaders-provocateurs, the real communists of these groups sent their representatives to the 1st conference of the groups. At this conference, representatives of various communist groups analyzed in detail the situation and the tasks that history posed for the working class and communists. They subjected to strict Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism their mistakes, erroneous and anti-Marxist views that took place in their work. ... On the night of November 8, the Communist Party of Albania was founded and the Provisional Central Committee was elected, which was entrusted with the historic task of uniting groups, weeding out anti-Marxist elements, organizing the party and outline its program.
The party was founded on Leninist-Stalinist principles, its organization was based on the experience of the Bolshevik Party, which illuminated the path of our young party. From the very beginning, the principle of democratic centralism was established, cells and committees were created, Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism was introduced and developed, iron and conscious discipline was established, strict Bolshevik conspiracy was established, as required by the current situation. Albanian communists fanatically defended these principles; they replenished their theoretical knowledge with great energy; they defended their party as their sacred place and did not put anything above the interests of the party. The party has kept its ranks clean. The struggle on two fronts, against the invaders and Trotskyists, continued mercilessly.
- "Speech by Comrade Enver Hoxha on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the founding of the Party of Labor." - Tirana, 1952.S. 9-14.
